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P o s i t i o n
Bound for success - EU Convention paves the way towards Political Union
Annette Heuser, Claus Giering, Thomas Fischer - February
2002*
On 28 February 2002 a new course will be followed towards the future
of Europe. When the Convention is inaugurated, the concept of a constitutional
political order for the greater Europe comes within reach. However, the
work of the Convention will probably only be successful if it clearly
denotes the strategic aims and success factors of its coming consultations
right from the start.
The Agenda for Political Union
The approximately 60 questions posed in the Laeken Declaration of the
European Council hide an agenda which, given the quarrels in Nice and
the various problems of European policy, can almost be called presumptuous.
For the EU intends nothing less than a general revision of its competencies,
institutions and Treaties:
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The distribution and delimitation of competencies between the Member
States and the EU is to be reorganised. This can mean intensified
integration, in particular in issues of internal and external security,
as well as the re-delegation of tasks to the national level.
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In order to achieve more democracy, transparency and efficiency,
the interrelationship among the Union's institutions is to be examined.
For that purpose, the currently existing decision-making patterns
will be reviewed in principle. In consequence, the direct election
of the President of the Commission, a stronger role of the national
parliaments, and the abolition of the Presidency´s six-months´
term of office will have to be discussed.
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While heading for a Constitution the present Treaties are to be simplified.
Core questions deal with the future legal status of the EU Charter
of Fundamental Rights , the simplification and reorganisation of the
Treaties as well as an end to the differentiation between Community
and Union.
The Heads of State and Government of the EU Member States have herewith
begged the right questions. The most important structural deficits of
the Union are to be discussed without any taboo. The answer to these questions
will be the establishment of a Political Union as it was aimed at as early
as ten years ago with the 1991 Maastricht Treaty. Yet the single market
and economic union were neither then nor with the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty
or the 2000 Nice Treaty complemented by corresponding political structures.
Once again the chance to achieve Political Union is now offered by the
work of the Convention.
Success Factors
The sheer number of questions could lead to work out an extensive report
presenting numerous options and recommendations. However, this is definitely
not the course the Convention ought to take even though the text of the
Laeken Declaration seems to suggest this approach at first glance. When
the Praesidium of the Convention, chaired by Valéry Giscard d'Estaing,
determines the working methods, major attention ought to be paid to outcome-orientated
procedures. The scope of the reform proposals must be balanced against
the political feasability of the Convention´s recommendations.
Any action should be directed by the understanding that the Convention
need not reinvent the European Union. As early as today, there are numerous
solutions to all problem areas. However, they differ extremely in their
scope. From status quo to federal state, from editorial amendments to
the Treaties to a Constitution, all shades of reform can be envisaged.
The more far-reaching the proposals are, the more effective will they
be, and the more difficult will it be to carry them out within the circle
of the Member States. Whereas too visionary reform plans could thus hardly
be put through, the results of the Convention threaten to come up neither
to the expectations of the public nor to the really existing need of reform
in case of too low ambitions. The following issues will be decisive for
the success of the consultations:
Political leadership
The Praesidium will play a decisive role for the success of the Convention.
The Chairman Giscard d'Estaing and his two Vice-Chairmen, Dehaene and
Amato, ought to try to achieve a broad internal consensus to back their
political leadership. This is the only way to ensure that the Praesidium
can also substantiate its political leadership externally, i.e. to the
public and the Heads of State and Governments. The political importance
of the Convention and the continuity of its results should, moreover,
be illustrated by the Chairman Giscard participating with equal rights
in the ensuing Intergovernmental Conference, which will decide on the
next great reform. Besides, in order to guarantee that the national parliaments
and the European Parliament are adequately represented, an additional
Convention Vice-Chairman ought to be nominated from these ranks. Apart
from Giscard, this member of the Praesidium would also have to be entitled
to take part in the Intergovernmental Conference. To a greater extent
than before, the parliamentary level would thus in leading function participate
in the Convention and the Intergovernmental Conference.
Strategic time management
The timeframe for the consultations of the Convention is extremely tight.
According to present plans, the Convention concludes its work early in
the summer of 2003 and the Intergovernmental Conference is convened after
the summer break. Given this tight schedule the Convention ought to gear
its work to the desired result right from the start and refrain from choosing
too broad a basis for its consultations. Neither is it target-oriented
to have different draft constitutions worked out at the beginning in order
to discuss them in the Convention afterwards, nor does it seem realistic
to deal with the questions of the Laeken Declaration one after another.
Rather should the work be from the start oriented towards a single joint
recommendation of a text with good prospects of being passed as a consensus
of all members of the Convention at the end of the relatively brief consultation
phase, in the first half of 2003. For only a consensus decision will have
the quality of recommendations for the consultations of the ensuing Intergovernmental
Conference. If, however, consensus cannot be achieved in the Convention,
the proposals will only play the role of possible options for the following
treaty negotiations among the Member States. Above all, merely listing
the options and minority votes would lose any political importance until
the beginning of the Intergovernmental Conference at the end of 2003.
Moreover, the present overall schedule of the treaty reform ought to be
handled flexibly. It is in the strategic interest of the Convention to
present its results as closely as possible before the Intergovernmental
Conference. If necessary, it should, therefore, be able to accomplish
that its consultations be not concluded before the end of the summer break
of 2003.
Procedural outcome orientation
The character of the final document will be decisive for the success
of the Convention. The result of the Convention must be target-oriented
and, above all, communicable to the citizens. One issue of the Declaration
on the Future of Europe could here be the key: the simplification of the
Treaties! The Convention ought to determine this objective as major directive
for its work. The minimum result would then be a transparent and understandable
Basic Treaty for the Union, which
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ties together the essential elements of the existing Treaties;
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integrates the Charter of Fundamental Rights into the new structures;
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offers the overview of the distribution of competencies; and
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clarifies the institutional architecture.
The advantage of this basic orientation of the consultations of the Convention
is obvious: within the framework of the next Intergovernmental Conference
the Heads of State and Government could hardly reject a treaty document
which does not differ too much from the status quo. Corresponding studies
of the European University Institute (Florence) and the Center for Applied
Policy Research (Munich) have already shown that such a Basic Treaty is
feasible.
For the other questions of the Laeken Declaration secondary options ought
then to be worked out, which go beyond just consolidating the EU Treaties,
making them more precise and simplifying them. To deal with such secondary
steps towards a European constitution, the Convention could establish
working groups. These should carry out public hearings, conferences and
research on the individual issues treated by them, such as e.g. the introduction
of new instruments of EU legislation or the future role of national parliaments.
If these secondary reform considerations of the Convention could not be
agreed on in the circle of the EU Heads of State and Government, the Basic
Treaty would, nevertheless, remain a positively visible and communicable
result for the European public.
* The Authors
Dr. Claus Giering, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Applied
Policy Research (Email: claus.giering@lrz.uni-muenchen.de);
Annette Heuser, Director Bertelsmann Foundation Brussels (Email: annette.heuser@bertelsmann.de);
Thomas Fischer, Project Director Governance Studies, Politics Division,
Bertelsmann Foundation (Email: t.fischer@bertelsmann.de).
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European Voice, 28. February 2002: Giscard
control over Convention speaking rights under attack
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